Every time there’s a conservative leadership race, the Liberal-NDP chattering classes get worked up about so-called “populism” rearing its ugly head. The political left says populism is a social danger. They define it differently from being “popular” and “democratic”, representing the popular will in a democratic society. These purveyors of doom create a fictional definition of populism that involves their notions of extremism. Then they warn against anyone who appears to embrace “populism”. The recent political shifts in Canadian thinking are upsetting these merchants of anti-populism. However, reasonable Canadians do not have to fall for their myth-making. The crowds at Pierre Poilievre’s rallies disregard the warnings of his so-called populism. He is answering back against the smug Liberal left with messages of political freedom and accountability of leadership. It is very “popular”..Canada needs more populism (democratic accountability) and less condescending leftie social prescription. Populism has experienced a revival in Canadian political culture. Canadians increasingly distrust politicians, political parties and governments and feel insecure about the future. There is a grassroots desire to get more control over one’s life. Institutional policies such as unsustainable deficit spending and its consequence of hurtful inflation, sub-group identity campaigns, free speech, immigration, and other issues, all give energy to bottom-up community sentiments. .The self-appointed intellectual superiors make allegations about being racist and xenophobic and attempt to twist populist messages into apparent “hate speech” which then can be railed against. False claims are made about the safety of black, indigenous, and other minority populations. A current smear condescendingly claims that a dangerous strain of extremism has infected the Conservative Party, such as too slow mandates over climate change, a weird fixation with guns, on-again off-again sympathizing with anti-vaxxers and convoy demonstrators, and hints of racism. Arrogant assertions against “populism” often focus on the challenge of Trudeau's efforts to defend liberal democracy and progressive government in the face of the anti-democratic and negative energy of “populism”. These elites muse about winning the arguments against extremism. They don’t like to be challenged..Discussions in academic circles and in the mass media start with the assumption that populism is retrograde and a threat to civilized values. Media talking heads condescend that grassroots questioning grows out of the uninformed and uneducated discomfort with progressive changes in the modern world and resistance to the political "reset". Deep down they really don't like vibrant democracy because it gives the same political power to the lowly janitor and maid server as the distinguished member of the “political establishment”. They secretly resent the equality of one person, one vote. .The contrary view is that Canadian style populism is a healthy bottom-up outburst of political energy from average Canadians that rightly disrupts the political status quo and leadership personalities. Historic examples of populist uprisings were the western farmers' movements of the 1930s that created the Progressive Party of Canada, and the foundation of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) which became the New Democratic Party (NDP), the Alberta Social Credit Party, and the western-based Reform Party of the 1990s. .We should see populism, as a legitimate political expression in a free and democratic society and recognize that it is rooted in a legitimate grievance. While there is the remote possibility to go rogue and become destructive, the Canadian good sense of the common people guards against it. Populism can force positive change and institutional accountability. Canadian populism has demonstrated the capacity to advance new ideas that the establishment initially opposed. It has also moderated occasional excesses within the marketplace of ideas. .Populism becomes a factor when some concern (usually economic) afflicts large numbers of voters and arouses them to political action. If they believe that the political elites are indifferent to their concerns, they become increasingly alienated and are increasingly open to alternative notions, and then a movement is born. Additionally, social media makes the rapid organization of the economically and politically-alienated individual easier to coalesce than in past generations. This means populist movements can spring up more rapidly than in the past, making populism a frequent challenge to the old establishment. In Canada, millennials could well become the wellspring of a populist movement if the causes of their alienation from democratic politics are ignored. They may be lured into pop-culture involvement for a time that quickly changes flavour, but unfortunately does not produce tangible results..Popularist discussion can arise around emerging points of social conflict. Canada could develop intergenerational conflict, as an aging society with a growing and expensive group of seniors becomes a larger tax burden on the young who work. Pressure could grow on pension systems, as OAS and CPP increasingly rely on proportionately fewer workers to pay for the increasing group of pensioners. As the velocity of educational change seems to increase, tensions between the urban university technological elites and the workers in sunset occupations will magnify disparities. A growing urban-rural divide, with rural Canadians feeling ignored and disrespected by political leadership can have national unity consequences. Conflict between extreme environmentalists and those associated with the natural resource sectors will increase civil disobedience blockades. Identity politics and the cancel culture could poison Corporate Boardrooms and University Administrations. The grievance culture of First Nations, the LGBTQ+ movement, the #MeToo movement, the #BlacklivesMatter movement and so forth, are vectors of social conflict. The re-emergence of Quebec separatism and or Western Provincial Separation movements could easily catch fire again. .In the long run, one of the most likely sources of a populist uprising in Canada could be the economic dislocations fueled by those left behind by the effects of international trade changes, globalization, and the emergence of the digital and artificial intelligence economy. Nevertheless, the most recent populist uprising in Canada, the one most urgently deserving of national attention, is rooted in western alienation and western separatism. The depth of this populist movement is unappreciated by the Trudeau government. .If one is concerned about the reality of populist uprisings in Canada, the remedy is not to take offense, cancel people and make a protest, but to rationally engage with truth and facts. Moreover, recognize that we all have biased perceptions. Those in conflict typically think they’re right and the other side is wrong. Our sense of what would constitute fairness is biased by egocentrism and lack of empathy. When in a conflict, we need to overcome our self-centered fairness perception. Independent assessors can help with the “facts” and investigative journalism is often useful. .Populism means different things. Many long for it, as it smells of freedom. Traditional elites fear it. But for gatekeepers, populism means loss of control. The instant electronic social media on one’s cel phone has unleashed millions who are not a part of the traditional political system, but want to be heard and they are having their say. While the issues that motivate may be many, they collectively increase the likelihood of blockades, demonstrations and convoys. And the instant response of categorization that these are bad things happening is not altogether helpful. Unfortunately, our Canadian elites haven’t served us too well and our alleged experts and “betters” don’t know as much as they pretend. Their put-downs of “populism” are really just fear of the unknown. What will populism in Canada look like? The answer may surprise for what could happen. If a diverse populism emerges, one that gets people of varied backgrounds engaged and energized, it is to be welcomed. We must not fear the change in the Canadian political scene that populism may bring.. Paul Forseth is a commentator from BC and served as a Member of Parliament from 1993 until 2006
Every time there’s a conservative leadership race, the Liberal-NDP chattering classes get worked up about so-called “populism” rearing its ugly head. The political left says populism is a social danger. They define it differently from being “popular” and “democratic”, representing the popular will in a democratic society. These purveyors of doom create a fictional definition of populism that involves their notions of extremism. Then they warn against anyone who appears to embrace “populism”. The recent political shifts in Canadian thinking are upsetting these merchants of anti-populism. However, reasonable Canadians do not have to fall for their myth-making. The crowds at Pierre Poilievre’s rallies disregard the warnings of his so-called populism. He is answering back against the smug Liberal left with messages of political freedom and accountability of leadership. It is very “popular”..Canada needs more populism (democratic accountability) and less condescending leftie social prescription. Populism has experienced a revival in Canadian political culture. Canadians increasingly distrust politicians, political parties and governments and feel insecure about the future. There is a grassroots desire to get more control over one’s life. Institutional policies such as unsustainable deficit spending and its consequence of hurtful inflation, sub-group identity campaigns, free speech, immigration, and other issues, all give energy to bottom-up community sentiments. .The self-appointed intellectual superiors make allegations about being racist and xenophobic and attempt to twist populist messages into apparent “hate speech” which then can be railed against. False claims are made about the safety of black, indigenous, and other minority populations. A current smear condescendingly claims that a dangerous strain of extremism has infected the Conservative Party, such as too slow mandates over climate change, a weird fixation with guns, on-again off-again sympathizing with anti-vaxxers and convoy demonstrators, and hints of racism. Arrogant assertions against “populism” often focus on the challenge of Trudeau's efforts to defend liberal democracy and progressive government in the face of the anti-democratic and negative energy of “populism”. These elites muse about winning the arguments against extremism. They don’t like to be challenged..Discussions in academic circles and in the mass media start with the assumption that populism is retrograde and a threat to civilized values. Media talking heads condescend that grassroots questioning grows out of the uninformed and uneducated discomfort with progressive changes in the modern world and resistance to the political "reset". Deep down they really don't like vibrant democracy because it gives the same political power to the lowly janitor and maid server as the distinguished member of the “political establishment”. They secretly resent the equality of one person, one vote. .The contrary view is that Canadian style populism is a healthy bottom-up outburst of political energy from average Canadians that rightly disrupts the political status quo and leadership personalities. Historic examples of populist uprisings were the western farmers' movements of the 1930s that created the Progressive Party of Canada, and the foundation of the Cooperative Commonwealth Federation (CCF) which became the New Democratic Party (NDP), the Alberta Social Credit Party, and the western-based Reform Party of the 1990s. .We should see populism, as a legitimate political expression in a free and democratic society and recognize that it is rooted in a legitimate grievance. While there is the remote possibility to go rogue and become destructive, the Canadian good sense of the common people guards against it. Populism can force positive change and institutional accountability. Canadian populism has demonstrated the capacity to advance new ideas that the establishment initially opposed. It has also moderated occasional excesses within the marketplace of ideas. .Populism becomes a factor when some concern (usually economic) afflicts large numbers of voters and arouses them to political action. If they believe that the political elites are indifferent to their concerns, they become increasingly alienated and are increasingly open to alternative notions, and then a movement is born. Additionally, social media makes the rapid organization of the economically and politically-alienated individual easier to coalesce than in past generations. This means populist movements can spring up more rapidly than in the past, making populism a frequent challenge to the old establishment. In Canada, millennials could well become the wellspring of a populist movement if the causes of their alienation from democratic politics are ignored. They may be lured into pop-culture involvement for a time that quickly changes flavour, but unfortunately does not produce tangible results..Popularist discussion can arise around emerging points of social conflict. Canada could develop intergenerational conflict, as an aging society with a growing and expensive group of seniors becomes a larger tax burden on the young who work. Pressure could grow on pension systems, as OAS and CPP increasingly rely on proportionately fewer workers to pay for the increasing group of pensioners. As the velocity of educational change seems to increase, tensions between the urban university technological elites and the workers in sunset occupations will magnify disparities. A growing urban-rural divide, with rural Canadians feeling ignored and disrespected by political leadership can have national unity consequences. Conflict between extreme environmentalists and those associated with the natural resource sectors will increase civil disobedience blockades. Identity politics and the cancel culture could poison Corporate Boardrooms and University Administrations. The grievance culture of First Nations, the LGBTQ+ movement, the #MeToo movement, the #BlacklivesMatter movement and so forth, are vectors of social conflict. The re-emergence of Quebec separatism and or Western Provincial Separation movements could easily catch fire again. .In the long run, one of the most likely sources of a populist uprising in Canada could be the economic dislocations fueled by those left behind by the effects of international trade changes, globalization, and the emergence of the digital and artificial intelligence economy. Nevertheless, the most recent populist uprising in Canada, the one most urgently deserving of national attention, is rooted in western alienation and western separatism. The depth of this populist movement is unappreciated by the Trudeau government. .If one is concerned about the reality of populist uprisings in Canada, the remedy is not to take offense, cancel people and make a protest, but to rationally engage with truth and facts. Moreover, recognize that we all have biased perceptions. Those in conflict typically think they’re right and the other side is wrong. Our sense of what would constitute fairness is biased by egocentrism and lack of empathy. When in a conflict, we need to overcome our self-centered fairness perception. Independent assessors can help with the “facts” and investigative journalism is often useful. .Populism means different things. Many long for it, as it smells of freedom. Traditional elites fear it. But for gatekeepers, populism means loss of control. The instant electronic social media on one’s cel phone has unleashed millions who are not a part of the traditional political system, but want to be heard and they are having their say. While the issues that motivate may be many, they collectively increase the likelihood of blockades, demonstrations and convoys. And the instant response of categorization that these are bad things happening is not altogether helpful. Unfortunately, our Canadian elites haven’t served us too well and our alleged experts and “betters” don’t know as much as they pretend. Their put-downs of “populism” are really just fear of the unknown. What will populism in Canada look like? The answer may surprise for what could happen. If a diverse populism emerges, one that gets people of varied backgrounds engaged and energized, it is to be welcomed. We must not fear the change in the Canadian political scene that populism may bring.. Paul Forseth is a commentator from BC and served as a Member of Parliament from 1993 until 2006
